Solidary Distributive Justice

Solidary Distributive Justice as One of 17 Principles of Regional Economic Order Under the Maxims Democracy and Market Economy.

An Article in the Compendium of Market-Based Social-Ecological Economics

Key issues in view of the neoliberal crisis:
How can we guarantee employment and fair income?
How can we protect the environment effectively?
How should we shape the economic globalization?
What should the economic sciences contribute?
What must be the vital tasks of economic policy?
How can we legitimize economic policy democratically?

Click here for the list of all articles: Compendium
Click here for the German-language version: Solidarische Verteilungsgerechtigkeit

Table of Contents

  1. Overview
  2. Preliminary Remarks
  3. The Solidary, Subordinate Distributive Justice


regionaleordnung01In view of the threatening extent of the devastations caused by the neoliberal economic doctrine, the turning towards compatible economic principles becomes almost existential. But only when these principles are combined to form a model of sustainable regional and global economic order, can the urgently needed economic policy measures be derived.

All 6 global principles are summarized in the article Principles of Global Economic Order in the form of questions. The supplementary 17 regional principles are listed in the article Prinzipien regionaler Wirtschaftsordnung, also as questions.

In the context given here, the term »regional« refers to largely homogeneous entities, currently primarily nation states and supranational political and economic areas (unions), that meet all the requirements for political sovereignty and economic autonomy and are therefore in a position to form a viable foundation for the prosperous coalescence of the world. Hereafter, these entities are mostly referred to as economic areas.

The European Union (EU) and, in particular, the euro zone existing within the EU, can serve as a cautionary example here. Both are supranational entities that have emerged from the political and economic self-interest of powerful players, and whose inhomogeneity and centralism have since unfolded great destructive potential (as a supplement see the article Demokratie und europäische Integration).

Preliminary Remarks

In the course of the historical economic development in Europe and the USA democracy and market economy have emerged as useful and reliable Maximes of Economic Order. Both maxims have, however, been distorted by the neoliberal indoctrination since the 1990s to such an extent that the »natural principles« inherent in them are hardly perceived by the citizens any more. It is therefore essential to return to these principles and to combine them into a model of a sustainable regional and global economic order. See also the article Market and Market Economy.

In contrast to the centralistic structures produced by modern Neoliberalism, the model presented here is based on decentralized structures, or, better still: on subsidiary structures. Only if the citizens in as many countries as possible are recognizing democracy and market economy in their interaction again as convincing maxims, can a culture of political co-determination and economic self-determination return to society, politics and the economy and work towards social and ecological justice. Embedded in subsidiary structures, the citizens bear full responsibility for their actions and well-being, so that they are always brought to shape the conditions in their immediate environment in exchange with each other and at the same time create the preconditions and the foundation for global exchange.

Social and ecological justice, by the way, arise from a multitude of economic mechanisms: For example, the terms Efficiency and Productivity as well as specialization, which are wrongly defined in the neoliberal context, are redefined in the sense of social justice and ecological sustainability and are no longer subject to the arbitrariness of »liberalized« (unregulated) markets, but to economic policy control. The market thus regains the freedom it deserves, which enables it under meaningful and uniform framework conditions, rules and standards to allocate economic resources efficiently and equitably like no other mechanism.

Thus, the price is able to perform its original function again as the central information medium and control element of market transactions of individual economic players, because under the conditions of social and ecological justice and productivity it reflects all internal and external costs. By allowing the players to be guided by truthful prices resulting from the interplay of supply and demand, economic resources move – as if steered by an »invisible hand« – to where they provide the greatest benefit to individuals and, at the same time, to society as a whole. As a supplement see the article Economic Pricing.

Subsidiary structures ensure that prosperity and welfare are no longer at the mercy of the imponderables of a worldwide production quantity achieved under oligarchic rule and high capital concentration, but result automatically from the domestic production structure. The production structure alone is decisive for local and regional economic diversity and consequently for the level of employment, the performance-related equal distribution in society and the preservation of natural resources.

Unlike domestic competition, international competition can not, by its very nature, be granted the freedoms of regulated domestic markets. It must rather be based on bilateral trade agreements given the completely different traditions, standards and resources in the world. In these agreements the exchange rate must be set as the crucial trading link, supplemented by autonomous tariffs and trade quotas to balance out the differences and to grant trade profits to both sides. The primary objective of these agreements must be to ensure that imported products with their characteristics and prices are integrated into domestic competition in the most stimulating but harmless way possible.

The separation into regional and global order thus results quite naturally from the principle difference between domestic and foreign trade. Besides, this explains why there can be no superordinate, all-dominant, self-regulating and self-stabilizing world economic order in a desirably diverse and democratic world. For more details see the article Future-Proof Foreign Trade.

Among politically sovereign and economically autonomous nation-states and economic areas, the global order is reduced to agreements of norms of conduct, especially regarding norms of international trade and cooperation. By applying these norms, economic subsidiarity can be extended beyond national borders and find its perfection at the global level in the form of projects of global interest and scale.

With domestic and cross-border subsidiarity the doctrinal practice of transferring economic powers from lower to higher levels (especially nonstate) is overcome, of which neoliberal protagonists claim it would bring about »more appropriate« and »more efficient« decisions. Along with overcoming this practice, the justification is removed for a World Trade Organization, which is entrusted by its current 164 member states as the guardian of the Grail of global cut-throat competition based on dumping prices in lead currency (i.e. US dollar or euro). This is an unprecedented event in economic history, especially because the condition for membership is the (voluntary) renunciation of national economic autonomy.

It should be noted that the demarcation of the specific functions of the various economic levels, i.e. the subsidiary structure of autonomous nation-states and economic areas both domestically and beyond their borders, is absolutely crucial for the future viability of economically autonomous entities and for the global economy as a whole:

Functioning regionality is a prerequisite for sustainable globality. Globality is the complement of functional regionality.

In what follows, is the plea for the rule ethics as an instrument of justice as one of 17 principles of regional economic order:

3. The Solidary, Subordinate Distributive Justice

Verteilungsgerechtigkeit01In concrete terms, the solidarity-based, subordinate distribution serves to limit the spread of income and wealth, that lies outside the sphere of influence of the primary distribution of income, by means of statutory and tax measures to a level that is both market-economically and socially acceptable.

The solidarity that arises from the mutual obligation between the individual and the community is not to be confused with charity, but rather obtains its legitimacy in modern industrial societies from the place-bound social obligation of private and public productive capital and property. Both have their origin in social and natural resources and are considered as loans from society and nature, whose profits flow back to all groups of society according to the criteria of »practical justice«.

The distributive justice is established by a differentiated social policy, which is essentially composed of three individual policies:

The equal opportunities policy, which tries to give human talents the best opportunities for development as independent as possible of their social environment.

The burden-sharing policy, which serves to support tasks of general social importance such as child rearing and elderly care by means of transfer payments to spread the burden as evenly as possible on all shoulders.

The insurance policy, which covers major risks of life such as illness, accident, disability and old age, but also the risks of natural disasters and fire.

For the social policy as a whole, a certain degree of personal responsibility is required of all citizens to reduce risks and costs, so that their rights to solidarity benefits are reasonably limited. Furthermore, all citizens have to contribute an identical percentage of their income and wealth on the grounds of solidarity, but that in the case of a claim they only receive uniform benefits corresponding to the duration of their payments, but not to the amount. For the insurance policy it follows that the risks of life mentioned must be covered by statutory compulsory insurance, into which all citizens pay without exception and without their payments being restricted by a contribution assessment or compulsory insurance limit related to their income or assets. The uniform payments in the event of a claim are calculated such that they provide every citizen with a livelihood in every situation. Thus, the entire population forms a single and uniform community of solidarity with its entire national income and national wealth. This principle, known as citizen’s insurance, leaves every citizen the freedom to additionally take out private insurance against personal risks arising from his or her individual lifestyle.

Compulsory insurance for general risks of life, into which all citizens without exception pay the same percentage of their income and assets, but from which they receive only uniform, livelihood-supporting payments in the event of a claim (so-called citizens’ insurance), is an essential component of solidarity-based, distributive justice.

In addition I recommend the articles Economic Ethics, Economic SubsidiarityFull Employment and Sustainable Social Welfare.

Note on the COVID-19 Pandemic

The pandemic has noticeably revealed the significant weaknesses of the neoliberal economic system for everyone, above all the shortage of medical, but also other products, caused by disruptions in the absurdly networked value and supply chains across the globe.

The analyses of the neoliberal system as well as the principles and practical procedures based on them for building a sustainable system, which are presented in this compendium, thereby obtain an unexpected topicality. Now is the time to seize the opportunity and build up economic policy pressure to enforce the development of an economic order that is sustainably oriented towards social and ecological welfare.

The following article refers to the targeted arguments contained in the Compendium: COVID-19 and Globalization

Click here for the German-language version: Solidarische Verteilungsgerechtigkeit.

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